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In New Zealand, there are five forms of broadcast digital television. SKY 's Pay TV satellite service available nationwide , Freeview's free-to-air satellite service available nationwide , Freeview's free-to-air terrestrial service, Igloo's pre-paid terrestrial service and Vodafone 's Pay TV cable service available in Wellington and Christchurch. The service currently serves 86 percent of the population - notable large towns without the service include Whakatane , Blenheim , Oamaru and Queenstown.

Igloo New Zealand is a pre-paid terrestrial service in which the receiver provides customers access to free-to-air channels through Freeview, and a small selection of pay TV channels can be purchased for 30 days. It was launched on December 3, Digital cable television currently operates in Wellington and Christchurch on Vodafone 's cable TV system. Albania has three major forms of broadcast digital television. In addition multiple IPTV services are available. In addition, IPTV services are available.

Croatia started to test DVB-T transmission early in The analogue switch-off process took place region by region, starting from January in Istria and Rijeka region and completing the switch-off on 5 October when the final region Zagreb was converted fully to DVB-T. Analogue terrestrial television was switched off in Finland on 1 September , and analogue cable television on 1 March In Ireland , there is a number of providers of digital television.

These include Sky Ireland which is operated by Sky plc available nationwide , while Virgin Media Ireland , Magnet Networks and Cablecomm provide various digital-cable services. Latvia now has three major forms of broadcast digital television. Lithuania now has three major forms of broadcast digital television. In addition IPTV services are available. The Netherlands now has three major forms of broadcast digital television. The shutdown of the analogue service in Norway started on March 4, and was finished on December 1, While the Satellite branch was and still is popular in areas where the Cable branch is not available such as remote areas and villages , iTV never became successful, and was later discontinued in Digital broadcast was still available under the name "powerbox" after the STB used to receive the signal.

In , a little "analog switchover" happened, where coded analog channels known as Premium would cease broadcast in favour of powerbox. Every pay-TV provider offers digital television. As of , all Premium channels in all pay-TV providers, are digital. The transition to digital television in Serbia started on September 1, , and was finished on June 1, There are two multiplexes carried nationwide as well as several local multiplexes. The shutdown of the analogue service in Sweden started on September 19, and was finished on October 29, The United Kingdom now has five major forms of broadcast digital television, direct-to-home satellite services provided by British Sky Broadcasting branded as Sky and Freesat , digital cable television services provided by Virgin Media and WightFibre , and a free-to-air digital terrestrial service called Freeview.

Individual access methods vary throughout the country. The initial attempt at launching a digital terrestrial broadcasting service on November 15, , ONdigital later called ITV Digital , was unsuccessful and the company went into liquidation. ITV Digital was replaced in late by Freeview, which uses the same DVB-T technology, but with higher levels of error correction and more robust but lower-capacity modulation on the "Public Service" multiplexes in an attempt to counter the reception problems which dogged its predecessor.

Rather than concentrating on Pay TV services, Freeview uses the available capacity to provide a free-to-air service that includes all the existing five free-to-air analogue terrestrial channels and about twenty new digital channels. All services are transmitted in SDTV mode. March 31, saw the return of a limited pay-television offering to the digital terrestrial platform with the launch of Top Up TV.

This new service is designed to appeal to those who do not want to pay the high subscription fees that Sky Television and the Cable networks demand. The service carries a restricted hours service of some of the UK's most watched channels including the Discovery Channel , Gold , Discovery Real Time , British Eurosport and Cartoon Network , sharing just three different slots. Now over programs not channels are broadcast overnight and added to the box's hard drive, and may be watched at any time.

The residents of Ferryside and Llansteffan in Carmarthenshire , Wales who had not already upgraded to digital television were given a free set-top box to receive the Freeview television service, which includes Channel 4 previously unavailable terrestrially from transmitters in Wales and S4C2 , which broadcasts sessions of the National Assembly for Wales.

Digital transmissions for this pilot commenced in December , at which time a message was added to the analogue picture advising viewers that the analogue services would end in February The switch off progressed on an ITV region by region basis that began in with the Border region, and ended in the UTV region in The coverage of the three public service broadcasting multiplexes is the same as that enjoyed by the former analogue TV stations Freeview HD set-top boxes and televisions were made available at the consumer launch of the service in early In order to qualify for the Freeview HD logo, receivers need to be IPTV-capable and display Freeview branding, including the logo, on the electronic programme guide screen.

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Virgin Media is also the only cable provider to supply video on demand services. WightFibre also provide cable television to the residents of the Isle of Wight. These transmissions are on a limited spotbeam which is aimed primarily towards the United Kingdom, via the Astra 2D satellite located at This theoretically limits reception to Iceland , Ireland and the United Kingdom , allowing ITV to fulfil licensing agreements with content producers. However, many people report successful reception of these signals from across Europe by using larger dishes.

There are additional equipment and subscription charges for HD from Sky TV but they are broadcasting over 30 channels in the HD format. Sky also offers a free-to-air version of its regular Sky service known as Freesat from Sky. It is being touted as the satellite equivalent to Freeview , especially for areas unable to receive the Freeview DTT service. The CRTC initially decided not to enforce a single date for transitioning to digital broadcasts, opting to let the economy decide when the switchover will occur.

However, a later decision settled on the date of August 31, , limited to 30 markets. This list is not necessarily exhaustive and other station launches are completed or pending, although most are in the largest markets of Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal. Also, this does not include digital or high definition versions of specialty channels.

Global joined the crowd in late Other networks are continuing to announce availability of HD signals. Today, the vast majority of events and programs are broadcast in high definition. San Antonio in Tijuana, with , watts, directed primarily northward at San Diego. Unfortunately they have no HDTV programs. The analog signal was switched off on 9 January Subscription based digital terrestrial television is currently available in the capital Nuuk , Qaqortoq , Ilulissat and Qasigiannguit through Nuuk TV.

These standards include standard definition , enhanced definition , and high definition formats. Martin announced that the agency would test run the transition to digital television in Wilmington, North Carolina beginning September 8, This was in order to work out any kinks which may not be foreseen before most of the country's broadcasters stopped transmitting traditional analog signals and upgrade to digital-only programming.

Full-power terrestrial broadcasts using the analog NTSC standard was required by law to cease by June 12, Low-power stations continue to broadcast in analog, but these must transition to digital by September 1, , or go silent. It began broadcasting in in SDTV [7]. After a bumpy ride of back and forths, Argentina officially selected the Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-T International on August 28, , and agreed with Japan to cooperate for resource exchange and technical transfer.

While HDTV-ready TV sales are increasing in Argentina, no single HD feed is currently available by terrestrial television as of mid, as the standard selection process wasn't officialized until August 28, As of this date only a few are available by cable, which are unregulated and use ATSC set top boxes installed at the customers' premises. Belo Horizonte and Rio de Janeiro began to receive free-to-air digital signal on April 7 and April 8, , respectively.

Digital broadcast started at Salvador on December 2 and Campinas on December 3, The government estimated 7 years for complete signal expansion over all of the territory. Analog television is scheduled to be shut down on October 25, The interactive platform called Ginga [84] consists entirely of free software and received high publicity for being considered the main appeal for the change.

The government promised WiMAX as return channel for the system, set to be implemented in the following years. After rescheduling the date for a final decision on DTV formats several times, [86] The government has stopped offering dates for such an announcement. Simulcasting is expected to begin in , with a projected analog switch-off in Currently there are 13 digital channels in Santiago :.

The Spanish Impulsa TDT , the association for the implementation of digital-terrestrial television and the Colombian government have signed an official agreement under which Spain will help the country implement DVB-T. Achieved first HD live demonstration and test program transmission using OB Van in aiming nationwide deployment with the Japanese cooperation in Trujillo for 3 days from 28 January Uruguayan government decided to adopt ISDB-T for geopolitical reasons and to be consistent relations with Argentina and Brazil on December 27, , Uruguayans will start receiving digital television signals by the end of , and scheduling analog signals blackout will be in Transition from analog to digital is expected to take place in the next 10 years.

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The bearish case is built on the concern that OTT will undermine the traditional ecosystem, that advertising and subscription dollars will dry up, and that investment in content will consequently be squeezed. At the same time, production and content acquisition across individual markets will become more international in nature, as domestic-only players cede share to multimarket buyers with stronger acquisition and distribution economics and greater purchasing leverage.

It is worth noting that the naysayers do cite a few exceptions for non-English-speaking countries, including the following: local-market content is so important in some markets, for example, France, that it is immune to globalization; local-market content may travel better internationally from certain markets, such as Canada; and some local markets, such as India, have enough scale and monetization opportunities themselves to sustain high levels of both global and local investment.

While the debate continues, one thing remains clear: different types of OTT players have different opportunities and risks across the content creation value chain. A single structure does not apply in all markets, of course, but there are three broad types of traditional players, each with its set of considerations.

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Studios, which are responsible primarily for the financing and distribution of content, are mostly North American and Western European players that are sometimes, but not always, vertically integrated with networks. Their opportunities include more demand from OTT players and traditional broadcasters for first-run original and second-run syndicated content, high international revenues that defer the first-run risk, and more windows for monetizing content. On the downside, the value of financing and distribution, which are core studio services, could be disintermediated because of the declining need for deficit financing and the emergence of single buyers for all windows.

In addition, the changing content economics from hit-driven to cost-plus production could cap the upside for top performers, and top-tier networks that launch new shows could take a share of downstream revenues in return for the value they provide in distributing an initial asset to a large audience in an increasingly fragmented world. Production houses are responsible primarily for pitching, selling, and producing the video asset—that is, the show—itself. If it becomes easier to finance productions, thanks to quicker monetization models, production houses could increase their share of revenues by eliminating the studio role.

Industry consolidation could lead to the acquisition of these companies at high multiples as others seek to secure access to unique production house talent. Risks include the following: the growing number of independent players that can now find distribution partners, increasing competition for talent, ideas, and monetization; talent going directly to consumers and disintermediating the production house role; and digital production houses that siphon off consumer and advertising dollars with profitable short-form, digital-first content development.

ISBN 13: 9780071371704

The talent —actors, directors, and production crews—face a changing world as well. On the plus side, there are more outlets including for second-tier talent , thanks to the sheer volume of shows. Top talent can go directly to consumers and capture both content creation and distribution value or force downstream players to pay more to recoup that value. There are also risks for the talent. The ceiling on market value for top talent has never been lower, owing to the decline in the number of big hits and the fragmentation of viewing.

One industry executive cited this as the worst-possible scenario for talent managers and agents. The production-plus mark-up OTT model is not creating the same level of upside. We are not creating hundred-millionaires with a single show anymore, no matter how successful it is. Furthermore, although OTT has democratized content creation and enabled a billion pro-am and amateur content creators to participate, the distribution market is highly concentrated—dominated by YouTube and Facebook—perhaps even more so than traditional TV.

The balance of power lies with the distributors, so while top stars are earning millions of dollars, there are millions of content creators who are earning little or nothing. What is the net effect of OTT on domestic-market content production around the world? How is consumer content consumption changing as a result? In each country, these are complex and multifaceted questions.

Other questions about the future of global and local OTT content abound. Will OTT players invest in local content in order to differentiate? Will domestic players be pushed aside and forced to cut content budgets? Are there opportunities for domestic producers to export more content through the global OTT distribution network?

Sounds Good to Me: A Q&A With Shure’s Michael Pettersen

Should the production and consumption of amateur content, which would not exist without OTT distribution, be viewed through the same lens as professional content? All of these are top-of-mind issues for both business leaders and policymakers. The former need to prepare strategies to protect their core business and expand into new markets of growth. The latter are appropriately concerned about their local markets from an economic jobs and GDP point of view as well as a social and cultural one. In the past, video content, which provides, perhaps, a richer experience than any other medium at least until virtual reality becomes a mass-market reality , has had a substantial impact on economies and culture.

In many markets, policymakers and regulators have supported local content production through various economic means. Various responses are under consideration. The European Commission is considering similar measures for the EU overall. But before policymakers and business leaders start to take action, they must understand what is really happening to domestic content, investment dollars, and culture as a result of OTT. Because the global OTT players hail from the US, they have been quicker to move into other English-speaking countries and countries where English is widely used even though it is not the primary language.

Language matters also in terms of the ability of locally produced content to travel to other markets and the level of domestic consumer interest in foreign content. Theoretically, non-English-speaking markets are protected against a massive shift in consumption to global OTT content since it is mostly produced in English. We undertook an in-depth assessment of OTT across these markets, and at times, its impact on one representative country from each of these categories.

Our examination included secondary research and proprietary BCG analysis, interviews with some 20 content production experts worldwide, and a short survey in which we asked more than millennials in 50 countries about their interaction with content—foreign and domestic. Such an analysis carries imperfections, of course, as variables other than OTT have an impact on domestic-market content creation for example, high growth in pay TV penetration, changes in subsidies, and changes in exchange rates , but we have attempted to control for those variables.

TV production and acquisition expenditures have been growing in the four markets we examined, with strong OTT increases helping to lift overall levels.

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This finding indicates that, in terms of first-run content production and second-run content acquisition, markets around the world are at least as healthy as—and in many cases, healthier than—they were five years ago, before global and local OTT players emerged as a major force. Although the four-country sample is too narrow to provide conclusive answers, it does suggest that OTT entrants are fueling larger growth.

The media executives with whom we spoke reinforced this view: approximately three-quarters said that OTT has had a generally positive impact on production dollars, globally and on a market-by-market basis.


Specific trends, of course, vary significantly by market. English-speaking markets, led by the US, have clearly been benefiting most. Non-English-speaking markets do not reflect the same booming growth. Even though relative OTT growth is actually higher in non-English-speaking markets, the base is very small, and thus cannot offset slower growth in traditional TV relative to English-speaking markets. Global OTT players seem to compete more with local-language content primarily acquired rather than original productions in non-English-speaking markets than in English- speaking markets.

Netflix, for example, has a higher share of domestic productions in non-English-speaking markets such as Germany and France than in English-speaking markets such as the UK and Canada. The reasoning is that because most foreign content is in English, local-language content in those markets is critical for winning domestic consumers. It comes down to the purpose of—and from that, the value of—the domestic content that is being bought. English content travels comparatively easily across borders. Because of this, domestic producers in, for example, Canada and the UK are benefiting from the trend of content glob- alization that OTT has enhanced.

In fact, foreign distribution has been a key lever of growth in Canada and the UK, enabling domestic creators to further monetize their libraries by selling content abroad in first- and second-run windows. Although the share of domestic titles from global OTT players is low, the material that is being acquired is typically big-ticket content for international distribution. In non-English-speaking markets, distribution of domestic content is generally limited to the market of production. The scale benefits afforded by English-language content production create a barrier to non-English-language producers.

Sports programming remains a driver of domestic and global growth for traditional TV. In some markets, it is lifting otherwise flat or negative trends in spending for traditional TV content. Without sports programming, some markets, such as Italy and France, would be declining in terms of content production dollars. It is unclear, however, whether the increase in sports spending is having a cascading impact on jobs and local economies.

After all, much of the rise stems from networks paying increasing amounts for the same rights: dollars flow directly to sports leagues, teams, and players rather than to writers, actors, and producers as in entertainment and other content genres. Entertainment and news also follow global production and consumption trends. The collapse of the middle—and with it certain content types, such as procedurals—was very evident in our survey.

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At the same time, demand for, and consumption of, high-quality serial dramatic content is increasing. These trends are market agnostic—English-speaking, high-English-proficiency, and non-English- speaking markets exhibited very similar consumer preferences. In the long term, we expect spending on content creation to stabilize. Moreover, some expect the large global OTT players to reduce their share of spending outside the US as they focus on increasing original programming—primarily US productions—over licensed content.

That said, as we noted in the previous chapter, the trends in production volume and the financial value it creates play out differently by content creator type. There will continue to be more competition for top-quality professional content of all types domestic and global , at least in the near term, and especially in English-speaking markets. The value of this content will likely continue to rise.

This segment may also see a shift toward content that is the most conducive to time-shifted watching or binging and content that travels internationally most easily. In non-English-speaking markets, predicting demand, except with respect to sports programming, is less certain. Funding for high-end original entertainment productions has lagged behind funding in English-speaking markets.

Like networks, many middle-market entertainment producers, especially in English-speaking markets, will need to make a choice between trying to break into the top tier and moving toward producing more niche programming for OTT distribution. As TV viewership declines in most markets, especially among younger audiences, news producers will have little choice but to continue to focus on the growth of social media as a distribution platform. Pro-am and amateur content will likely grow in importance as part of the competitive mix in all markets, and this is one area in which local producers can make a big mark, even if the financial impact of such content is unclear.

They are disrupting the market—redefining formats and cost models—and will very soon become important players in production. The assessment of two local dynamics—the creation of jobs and the impact on culture—is the last step in the review of the impact of OTT on domestic content production markets. Of the two, the employment impact is easier to quantify. Cultural impact can be amorphous, but it is of critical importance to national identity—especially to culture ministers who are charged with maintaining the voice and identity of their countries and people.

Job Creation. It is important to examine employment through two lenses: professional activity, which is made up of, for example, full-time content creators, producers, writers, directors, editors, and actors, as well as pro-ams and amateurs, who, although they are in many cases not full-time content creators, do represent a significant uptick in human activity around content creation.

In professional content, growth in production dollars is not necessarily translating to more job activity. In nearly every market observed, irrespective of language, job growth lagged behind the growth in production dollars. One hypothesis is rooted in the collapse of the middle market for content. More and more producers are reallocating midsize-budget projects to either big-budget productions or lower-market niche productions.

Furthermore, sports programming is driving a significant portion of the growth in content creation. The added costs in such programming are related more to license fees than to production personnel, with the rights to marquee sports—whether the Bundesliga or the National Hockey League—rising by double- or triple-digit percentages in recent years. Finally, the rise of production dollar spending seems to be driven more by the increase in the price than by the volume of content.

This dynamic held for the four markets we assessed, where production volume trailed dollar growth, was flat, or was negative. From a pro-am and amateur perspective, there is clearly a significant increase in content creation activity. And although the value created by these players is concentrated at the top end of the market, they do represent a long tail of local content creators, with very little variance across English-speaking, high-proficiency-English, and non-English- speaking markets. How is domestic market culture changing?

Are national identities at risk? Again, it is instructive to review this on a professional- and nonprofessional-content level. In terms of professional content, one indicator is the share of domestic content as part of the overall mix on traditional TV networks. It is very difficult to capture reliable data on this. It is interesting to note that this pattern holds for FTA networks, which are subject to strict quotas on domestic content, as well as pay TV networks, which are not.

The same dynamic seems to hold in English-speaking markets as well. In Canada, for example, the share of domestic programming on CBC Television, conventional, and pay and specialty channels either stayed flat or rose from through Among global OTT players, however, there is a clear focus on developing big hits with global appeal and, as discussed above, the expectation that this will intensify as players raise their mix of original programming over licensed content.

This already seems to be having an impact. If this paints a negative picture for traditional professional content, then the pro-am and amateur content trends paint an undeniably positive one. Some believe that pro-am and amateur content is primarily US dominated, but our survey showed that millennials watch the same amounts of domestic and foreign pro-am and amateur content. This represents a higher share of domestic content than what is shown by most cable networks on traditional TV. Also, contrary to the trend in traditional professional content, the share of local stories in pro-am and amateur content has actually been rising in recent years.

Finally, millennials are watching more news and culturally relevant shows from pro-am and amateur producers than from traditional professional content creators. The number of unique visits as a percentage of the population is very high: some shows have half a million or a million unique hits per month. While this anecdotal evidence is in no way definitive enough to assuage concern about risks to the local cultural fabric that the globalization of content might create, it will be imperative for policymakers to carefully study this rapidly changing landscape of pro-am and amateur content viewing and not focus only on the traditional definition of content creators.

Otherwise, it would be analogous to regulating or providing incentives for the production of vacuum tubes during the s or buggy whips at the beginning of the s. Moreover, as policymakers weigh policy decisions, there must also be a change in how those local-content policies are designed. It would seem more appropriate for local-content policies to focus on demand, but demand cannot easily be controlled.

There is no easy answer, and policymakers will need to adopt an entirely different mindset and approach to this issue. Although, perhaps, it is not as positive in every area as everyone might like. The removal of barriers to distribution and the resulting explosion in new—and new kinds of—content, as well as new ways of viewing it, are all boons for consumers.

The Future of Television: The Impact of OTT on Video Production Around the World

While there is concentration of share at the top of the OTT market, the opening of new markets to producers has led to greater revenues and value, if not a commensurate increase in jobs. The latter may be a somewhat illusory disappointment. There are legitimate concerns about the potential impact of globalized OTT programming on local culture, but these may be partially counterbalanced by the ability of anyone anywhere to become a content producer and showcase his or her local culture on a global stage.

The output of a billion content creators—representing all manner of backgrounds, societies, cultures, and points of view in a way that was unimaginable 20 years ago—cannot be ignored. In this context, OTT has democratized both the production and the consumption of content to an extent never before seen. Is that sufficient to serve local societal and cultural needs and fulfill the objectives of policymakers? Martin Kon. Eric Lee.